الأربعاء، 25 فبراير، 2009

القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "...الجزء الثاني


"حرام علي الطعام والشراب ، حتى أُسويها بالأرض هدماً وإحراقاً.... إني رأيت آخر هذا الأمر لا يصلح إلا بما صلح به أوله ، لين في غير ضعف ، وشدة في غير عنف . وإني أقسم بالله لآخذن الولي بالمولى ، والقيم بالطاعن ، والمقبل بالمدبر ، والمطيع بالعاصي ، والصحيح بالسقيم ، حتى يلقى الرجل منكم أخاه فيقول : " انج سعـد ، فقد هلك سعـيد " أو تستقيم قناتكم . وإياي ودلج الليل ، فإني لا أوتى بمدلج إلا سفكت دمه ، وإياي ودعوى الجاهلية فإني لا أجد داعياً بها إلا قطعت لسانه ، ولقد أحدتثم أحداثاً لم تكن ، ولقد أحدثنا لكل ذنب عقوبة ، فمن غرَّق قوماً غرّقناه ، ومن أحرق قوماً أحرقناه ، ومن نقب بيتاً نقبنا عن قلبه ، ومن نبش قبراً دفناه فيه حياً . وايم الله إن لي فيكم لصرعى كثيرة ، فليحذر كل منكم أن يكون من صرعاي"……. من الخطبة البتراء لزياد بن أبيه .

" الصحفي: الرئيس المصري أنور السادات يتهمكم بانكم تتولون حكما دمويا لم يحقق السلام للعراق ولم يقدم بديلا عن أتفاقية كامب ديفيد.. فماذا تقولون؟
..أما كوننا دمويين بمعنى أننا نبادر الى قطع رأس كل من يخون هذا البلد...نعم كلما نكتشف أنه أقدم على ذلك نقطع رأسه وبلا رحمة وعلى رؤوس الأشهاد..وهذا ما كان يفعله أجدادنا في صدر الرسالة "..صدام حسين حديث مع ناصر الدين النشاشيبي بتاريخ ١٩/١/١٩٨١.



ا-الفترة التي سبقت تعيين علي حسن المجيد لمنصب أمين سر قيادة مكتب تنظيم الشمال.

وفرت الطبيعة الجغرافية لكردستان ,وكذلك انشغال السلطة بالحرب مع ايران ,ملجا للهروب من قسوة الاجراءات التي اتخذتها السلطة بحق معارضيها أو ذويهم أو بحق الهاربين من الخدمة العسكرية أو المتخلفين عنها.
فلم تكن تلك المناطق أو القرى قواعد "للمخربين" فقط بل تواجد فيها كل هولاء الذين ذكرناهم أعلاه ,اضافة الى سكان القرى أنفسهم من الرجال والنساء والاطفال.
اتخذت السلطة ,كما قلنا سابقا, قرارا بالترحيل القسري لذوي "المخربين" الى تلك المناطق أو القرى التي اطلقت عليها تسمية " القرى ألمحذورة أمنيا " كان تبرير ذلك الفعل حسب كتاب قيادة الفيلق الأول الرقم ح ٢/١/٣٥٦ في ٢١ /٥/١٩٨٥ " ليشكلوا عبئا ثقيلا على المخربين".
ونتيجة لذلك كان تواجد هولاء في تلك المناطق رغما عن ارادتهم. اذا حاولت أحدى عوائل "المخربين" من الذين تم تسفيرهم القسري, العودة الى مدنهم أو قصباتهم الخاضعة لسيطرة الدولة والتخفي فيها ,فسيكون مصير من مد لهم العون كمصيرتلك العوائل ومعناه معاقبته بكافة العقوبات التي ذكرناها سابقا وسيكون معرضا للترحيل أيضا, كما ورد في كتاب اللجنة الامنية لمحافظة السليمانية ١٣/١/١٩٨٥ "تقرر التعامل مع العائلة التي تأوي عوائل المخربين المطرودين عند عودتهم الى المدن والقصبات سرا معاملة عوائل المخربين".
ثقل الاجراءات التي اتخذت ضد ذوي الهاربين من الخدمة العسكرية كانت , ربما, دافعا لهم لتوجهم بأرادتهم الى تلك المناطق حيث يورد كتاب مكتب تنظيم الشمال المرقم في ٥٥٢٧ في ١١/٨/١٩٨٦ هروب " ألف عائلة من عوائل الهاربين والمتخلفين من قاطع محافظة السليمانية الى القرى ألمحذورة أمنيا".
أضيف اجراء أخر بحق زوجات المخربين والهاربين من الخدمة العسكرية ربما كان أيضا دافعا للهروب من قبضة السلطة والتوجه لتلك القرى وهو “طلاق الزوج اذا تبين التحاقه بالمخربين أو هروبه وتخلفه من الخدمة العسكرية أو انظم الى صفوف احزاب معادية لحزبنا القائد حزب البعث أو دولة معادية لحزبنا ”كما ورد في كتاب المجلس التنفيذي لمنطقة كردستان المرقم ٢٣٠٥٧٥ في ٩/١/١٩٨٦.
ولتزايد رقعة الأرض التي لا تسيطر عليها الدولة كان لابد من أبتكار عقوبات بحق تلك القرى وبحق ساكنيها..

ثالثا-عقوبات القرى المحذورة أمنيا…..

العقوبات التي اتخذت بحق تلك القرى, في البداية ,كانت سلسلة من الاجراءات الأقتصادية والادارية والخدمية كما وردت في كتاب اللجنة الأمنية لمحافظة السليمانية المرقم ٤٥٨ في ٢٣/٩/ ١٩٨٥ " فرض الحصار الشامل على المناطق المحذورة اداريا والتي تحت سيطرة المخربين وتأويهم وعدم التهاون بهذا المجال وباي شكل من الأشكال، قطع المواد الغذائية عن كافة القرى التي تحت سيطرة المخربين، سحب المدارس والمستوصفات الى المناطق الريفية، متابعة توزيع الدهون والوقود بنظام البطاقات، قطع الخطوط الهاتفية، قطع القوة الكهربائية عن القرى التي يسكنها المخربين وتأويهم منع استلام وارسال الحملات الزراعية لقرى تواجد المخربين ، منع تردد وسائل النقل من والى تواجد المخربين والتشديد على الطرقات كافة وحجز كافة السيارات وسائقيها وعدم أطلاق سراحهم ألا بعلم منا".
أسهب كتاب مكتب تنظيم الشمال المرقم ٢٨/٤٦٨٤ في ٢٩/٦/١٩٨٥ بتوضيح تلك الأجراءات حيث ورد فيه" بغية تنفيذ السياسة التي من شأنها تضيق الخناق على العناصر المخربة والخائنة تنسب تنفيذ مايلي:
١. توزيع المواد الأقتصادية الأساسية (طحين، سكر، شاي، دهن) بموجب البطاقة حيث تحسب الكمية اللازمة لكل عائلة وعلى أساس عدد افرادها ويمكن الأستعانة بالجيش لتحديد كمية أستهلاك الفرد الواحد من هذه المواد يوميا.
٢. منع نقل هذه المواد من محافظة الى أخرى ألا من قبل الجهات الرسمية المختصة.
٣. اتخاذ الأجراءات لمنع وصول المواد الغذائية والاستهلاكية والمواد الأخرى
ألى القرى التي يتخذها المخربون الخونة مقرات لهم.
٤. اتخاذ الاجراءات اللأزمة لمنع تهريب المواد الأقتصادية ألى المخربين أو الى خارج القطر وكذلك منع دخول اية مواد الى القطر من الدول المجاورة.
٥. قطع كافة أنواع الخدمات (ماء، كهرباء، صحية، تربوية) عن القرى التي يتواجد فيها المخربون وبشكل دائم.
٦. منع أيصال المنتوجات المحلية التي تنتج في القرى التي يتواجد فيها المخربون والقصبات ولاي فرد كان ".
وورد في الكتاب أيضا " من أجل الدقة في عملية توزيع المواد الغذائية بالبطاقة تشكل لجنة في كل وحدة أدارية ومجمع سكاني تضم في عضويتها كل رئيس الوحدة الأدارية وممثل عن الحزب والامن والاستخبارات (حيثما وجد) مهمتها تهيأة البطاقات والاشراف المباشر على توزيع تلك المواد" و "تقوم كل لجنة باعداد تقرير شهري ترفعه الى الجهة الأعلى عن سير تنفيذ هذه المهمات".
كان كتاب ديوان الرئاسة المرقم ١٩٦٢٦ في ٢٩/٦/١٩٨٥ حريصا على منع وصول الوقود الى تلك القرى فوردت فيه تفاصيل دقيقة لكيفية القيام بتلك المهمة وكانت
"١. املاء خزانات سيارات الأجرة بالبنزين داخل المدن لمرة واحدة في اليوم واحتفاظ سائق سيارة الأجرة باستمارة خاصة يوقع عليها (أمين مستودع النفط) أو محطة التعبئة وتبين فيها تاريخ التجهيز باليوم والساعة.
٢. عدم تجهيز سواق سيارات الطرق الخارجية للمناطق المحرمة اداريا باية كمية من مادة البنزين .
٣. منع خروج السيارات الى المناطق المحرمة والمحذورة اداريا منعا باتا.
٤.السيارات التي تتجه من مركز المحافظة باتجاه الأقضية تجهز بمادة البنزين
لمرة واحدة في مدينة السليمانية فقط ويمنع تجهيزها ثانية في مكان أخر.
٥. يتم تجهيز سيارات الشحن (اللوريات) بمادة الغاز اويل كل يومين مرة واحدة.
٦. يمنع منعا باتا طريقة البيع الأضافي باملاء الحاويات البلاستيكية بالوقود.
٧. الطلب من هيئة النقل ونقابة النقل القيام بالغاء جميع اجازات السوق للسيارات التي تعمل في المناطق المحرمة المحذورة اداريا.
٨. الزام وكلاء بيع النفط بفتح سجل خاص لكل وكيل وتوزيع النفط على المواطنين حسب الحاجة الفعلية المقررة بكل عائلة وبموجب (القسائم).
٩ . الايعاز لنقاط السيطرة عند مرور السيارات التاكد من عدم استحصال سائق السيارة لاي كمية اضافية من الوقود ألا الكمية الموجودة في خزان سيارته.
١٠. رصد حالات المخالفة بان يتم حجز السيارة مع سائقها ويرسل الى مركز الأستخبارات اذا ثبت حمله كمية من الوقود الأحتياطي سواء في نقاط السيطرة أو في أي مكان في منطقة السليمانية.
١١. كل شخص ثبت عليه اعطاء اية كمية من الوقود للمخربين وتعاون معهم في ذلك يحال ألا المحكمة المختصة كمخرب سواء في محطات التعبئة أو بواسطة السيارات".
التاكيد على اجراءات الحصار وردت بعدة كتب متبادلة بين اللجان الأمنية كرسالة اللجنة الأمنية في محافظة السليمانية ٥١٨ في ٣/١٠ والتي ورد فيها أيضا "على ضوء توجيهات الرفيق عضو القيادة القطرية بتاريخ ٢١/٩/١٩٨٥ أوعز سيادته بعقد ندوات جماهيرية لكل شرائح المجتمع بصدد فرض الحصار الأقتصادي على المخربين وقطع المعونات على القرى غير الموالية".
وتم التاكيد عليها أيضا في كتاب ديوان الرئاسة المرقم ٢٨١٨٩ في ٢/٨/١٩٨٦ "تقرر استمرار الحصار والتشديد على القرى والمناطق المحذورة أمنيا وحسب التوجيهات المركزي الصادرة بهذا الصدد".
لم يكن تعريف القرى المحذورة أمنيا قاصرا على القرى التي يتواجد فيها "المخربون" أو ذويهم بل اتسع ليشمل القرى التي لايتواجد من تعتبره الدولة ممثلا لها أو مواليا لها كما ورد في كتاب اللجنة الأمنية الفرعية في سيد صادق المرقم ١ص/١٦/١٥٣ بتاريخ ٢٨/١٠ /١٩٨٥ "اعتبار أي قرية لم يتواجد فيها الجيش أو مقاتلي الأفواج الخفيفة قرية غير أمينة يتطلب فرض الحصار الأقتصادي عليها وتطبيق ألاجراءات الأخرى في كافة المجالات عليها".
لفشل اجراءات الحصار في كسر أرادة "المخربين" اتخذ القرار بقصف تلك القرى بالمدفعية كما ورد في كتاب رئاسة أركان الجيش المرقم ٩٠٤١ في ٢/١١/١٩٨٥ "أطلع السيد نائب القائد العام للقوات المسلحة /وزير الدفاع على الخلاصة وعلق سيادته عليها بما يلي:
١. توضع القرى التي يأوى اليها المخربين تحت االمدفعية وترمى بساعات متاخرة من الليل .
٢. مفيد أن يبلغ مختاروا القرى برد فعل القطعات العسكرية كي تجنب مغبة اللائمة أما أن يكون هناك بريء وغير بريء فالكل متضامنون خوفا أو حياء ".
كانت السلطة تعلم أن جزأ كبيرا من سكان تلك القرى كانوا من المدنيين , أن كانوا من سكانهاالأصلاء أو من قامت السلطة نفسها بترحيلهم اليها، رغم ذلك اصدرت حكما جماعيا عليهم نساء واطفالا وشيوخا بكونهم "متضامنين" مع المخربين وبالتالي كان قتلهم مبررا بنظرها.
نتيجة لفشل القصف المدفعي العشوائي في كسر أرادة المخربين أو تحقيق نتائجه في ذهن السلطة ,اتخذ قرارا أشد قسوة من كافة القرارات السابقة وهو قرارا بتدمير تلك القرى بمختلف الأسلحة وبدون توقف حيث" تنسب بكتاب ديوان وزارة الدفاع ٢٥٤٢١ في ٢٠/١١/١٩٨٦ تدمير قرى المخربين من سليلي الخيانة وعملاء ايران وبدون توقف باستخدام مختلف الأسلحة بضمنها القوة الجوية ".
كان قرار تدمير القرى قد اتخذ لكن انشغال الجيش بالحرب خاصة في تلك الفترة قلل من قدرة الدولة على القيام بتلك المهمة.
وفق هذه الخلفية عقد اجتماعا مشتركا لمجلس قيادة الثورة والقيادة القطرية لحزب البعث العربي الأشتراكي بتاريخ ١٨/٣/١٩٨٧ بحضور رئيس أركان الجيش نزار الخزرجي ومدير الأستخبارات العسكرية صابر الدوري ومعاون رئيس أركان الجيش حسين رشيد التكريتي تم فيه مناقشة حسم نشاط المخربين واتخذ قرارا بتعيين علي حسن المجيد حاكما مطلقا لكردستان واوكلت له تلك المهمة, مهمة "حسم نشاط المخربين".
بعد ذلك الأجتماع صدر قرار مجلس قيادة الثورة المرقم ١٦٠ في ٢٩/٣/١٩٨٧ والذي نص على مايلي
”أولا: يقوم الرفيق علي حسن المجيد، عضو القيادة القطرية لحزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي، بتمثيل القيادة القطرية للحزب ومجلس قيادة الثورة في تنفيذ سياستهما في عموم المنطقة الشمالية وبضمنها منطقة كردستان للحكم الذاتي بهدف حماية الأمن والنظام وكفالة الاستقرار فيها وتطبيق قانون الحكم الذاتي في المنطقة.
ثانيا:يتولى الرفيق عضو القيادة القطرية، لتحقيق أهداف هذا القرار صلاحية التقرير الملزم لجميع أجهزة الدولة المدنية والعسكرية والأمنية، وبوجه خاص الصلاحيات المنوطة بمجلس الأمن القومي ولجنة شؤون الشمال.
ثالثا:ترتبط الجهات التالية في عموم المنطقة الشمالية بالرفيق عضو القيادة القطرية وتلتزم بالقرارات والتوجيهات الصادرة عنه التي تكون واجبة التنفيذ بموجب هذا القرار.
١. المجلس التنفيذي لمنطقة كردستان للحكم الذاتي.
٢. محافظو المحافظات ورؤساء الوحدات الادارية التابعون لوزارة الحكم المحلي.
٣ . أجهزة المخابرات وقوى الأمن الداخلي والاستخبارات العسكرية.
٤. قيادات الجيش الشعبي.
رابعا: تلتزم القيادات العسكرية في المنطقة بأوامر الرفيق عضو القيادة القطرية بكل ما يتصل بـ"أولا" من هذا القرار”.


الاثنين، 16 فبراير، 2009

القسوة لدى صدام حسين .... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية " ..الجزء الأول

"آني راح اضربهم..... راح اضربهم كيمياوي ....واموتهم كلهم... شيريدون يكولون ..الدولي ؟….
أنعل أبو الدولي… لبو اليفزع من كل دول الله …… ".علي حسن المجيد


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قلنا في جزء عن" قوانين واوامرالأعدام "أن عمليات القتل والاعدام , خلال فترة حكم الرئيس صدام, حدثت أما بصورة متقطعة أو اتخذت شكلا أخر هو أشبه بشكل الحرب الواسعة. القتل المتقطع نفذ تطبيقا لسلسلة من القوانين والاوامر التي اصدرها أو أمر بتنفيذها. القتلى في هذه الحالة أما كانوا معارضين سياسيين حقيقيين أو مشكوك فيهم أو هاربين من الخدمة العسكرية. في حالة العنف الجماعي نسبة كبيرة من الضحايا كانوا من المدنيين. في حالة القتل المتقطع ،القتلى أما حوكموا واعدموا في مؤسسات الأمن والمخابرات أو اعدموا علانية. أغلبية الجثث في هذة الحالة سلمت لاقارب القتلى. في حالة العنف الجماعي الضحايا أما قتلوا خلال الحرب و العمليات العسكرية أو تم أسرهم ثم تم اعدامهم بعد ذلك من دون محاكمة. بغض النظر في كلا الحالتين نفت السلطة علمها بمصيرهم.
هذا الجزء هو محاولة توثيق حملة من حملات العنف الجماعي, حملة قاسية ,مكثفة ومتصاعدة بشدة اجراءاتها الأقتصادية والأدارية والعسكرية, حملة كان هدفها حسب ادعاء السلطة انذاك ,اخماد تمردا انفصاليا متعاونا مع الأجنبي . لتحقيق ذلك الهدف لم تتورع السلطة عن تدمير مئات أن لم يكن ألالاف من القرى وعن التهجير القسري والسجن لالاف من البشر من تلك القرى, و لم تتورع السلطة عن قتل وأعدام الألاف من المدنيين أحيانا بالقصف العشوائي التقليدي واحيانا أخرى باستخدام السلاح الكيمياوي.
لم تحصل الأنفال في فراغ بل كانت خطوة منطقية لسلسلة من الأجراءات ابتدات بالمخربين ثم توسعت فشملت عوائل المخربين ثم توسعت فشملت قرى باكملها حوصرت اقتصاديا وقطعت الخدمات عنها ثم قصفت مدفعيا وجويا بغية تدميرها . بررت السلطة قساوتها بقولها "أما أن يكون هناك بريء وغير بريء فالكل متضامنون خوفا أو حياء" كما ورد في كتاب رئاسة أركان الجيش المرقم ٩٠٤١ في ٢/١١/١٩٨٥.
كان منطقيا أن تكمل "عمليات الأنفال البطولية " ,مافشلت فيه كافة الاجراءات الأقتصادية والعسكرية السابقة لها , فاستخدمت الجيش النظامي وميليشا جحافل الدفاع الوطني (الجحوش) لتدمير القرى والترحيل القسري لسكانها وقتل من ابدى مقاومة أو اعتراض أو تواجد في المكان الذي اعتبرته السلطة محظورا انسانا كان أو حيوانا أو حتى زرعا.
الهدم كان كاملا ونهائيا والقتل كان حرا “ غير مقيد باية تعليمات“ حسب كتاب مكتب تنظيم الشمال المرقم ۲۸/٤۰۰۰۸ في ۲۰ / ٦ / ۱٩۸۷.

لفهم ماجرى في كردستان سنعرض ماحصل قبل تولي علي حسن المجيد لسلطته, واتمامه ما ابتدى به غيره وصولا الى الأنفال.

ا-الفترة التي سبقت تعيين علي حسن المجيد لمنصب أمين سر قيادة مكتب تنظيم الشمال.

أولا-عقوبات المخربين…
منطق السلطة في تعاملها مع "خط المرضى" وفي قدرتها على قص "روسوهم من دون ما ترجف شعرة وحدة مني أو يرجف قلبي عليه" تم تطبيقه في كردستان كما طبق في أنحاء أخرى من البلد..
فتم تطبيق قانون الأعدام على "المخربين" كما طبقت على عناصر أعضاء الأحزاب المعادية الأخرى من خلال " تطبيق أحكام المادة ١٥٦ من قانون العقوبات بحق كل من يثبت أنتماوه الى حزب أو جمعية تهدف في تصرفها أو منهجها المكتوب الى تغيير نظام الحكم عن طريق القوة المسلحة أو بالتعاون مع أية جهة أجنبية" حسب قرار مجلس قيادة الثورة المرقم ٤٥٨ في ٢١/٤/ ١٩٨٤.
خط المرضى "اللي لازم يكتسحون بلا رحمة" لم يعد يعني من حمل معتقدا مناهضا للسلطة أو حمل السلاح ضدها فقط بل شمل “من أهان باحدى طرق العلانية رئيس الجمهورية أو من يقوم مقامه أو مجلس قيادة الثورة أو حزب البعث العربي الاشتركي أو المجلس الوطني أو الحكومة. وتكون العقوبة الأعدام اذا كانت الأهانة أو التهجم بشكل سافر وبقصد اثارة الراي العام ضد السلطة. ويعاقب بالسجن مدة لا تزيد على سبع سنوات أو بالحبس أو الغرامة من آهان باحدى طرق العلانية المحاكم أو القوات المسلحة أو غير ذلك من السلطات العامة أو الدوائر أو المؤسسات الحكومية" حسب قرار مجلس قيادة الثورة المرقم ٨٤٠ في ٤/١١/ ١٩٨٦ . فالمبدا هنا الاخضاع الكامل لكتلة البشرالمقابلة بغض النظر عن مكان وجودها. ولا تقف القسوة الى أن يتساوى الكل في ضعفهم واستسلامهم..
وكما سنرى لاحقا أن تعريف المخرب توسع تدريجيا ليشمل محيط عائلته ومن تعامل معه ومن ثم محيط قريته.
تمت مصادرة أموال "المخربين" كما تمت مصادرة أموال عناصر الأحزاب المعادية استنادا "الى كتاب مجلس قيادة الثورة/ لجنة شوون الشمال المرقم ٢/٩١٥ في ٢٨/٢/١٩٨١ المتضمن حجز الأموال المنقولة وغير المنقولة للمخربين" وتم "تشكيل لجان فرعية في كل قضاء تتولى مهمة حجز الأموال لموضعي البحث باشراف ألمحافظة".

ثانيا-عقوبات ذوي المخربين…..
تشبيه السلطة لتعاملها مع عائلة خصومها كمعاملة " نبتة ضارة تجتث من جذورها كي لا تنمو من جديد" ,أي أن العائلة وحدة واحدة كل عضو منها مسؤول عن أفعال أعضائها الأخرين ويتحمل ويعاقب نتيجة تلك الأفعال , طبق في كردستان العراق كما طبق في التعامل مع أقرباء الأخرين من "الأحزاب المعادية" أو أقرباء الهاربين من الخدمة العسكرية..
لكن الضوابط والاوامر للتعامل مع أقرباء "المخربين" تميزت بكونها متصاعدة تدريجيا في شدتها وقسوتها.
فشملت حسب كتاب مكتب تنظيم الشمال المرقم ٢٨/٤٦٨٤ في ٢٩/٦/١٩٨٥ على” قطع التيار الكهربائي والماء عن دور تلك العوائل وعدم تزويد عوائل المخربين ببطاقة توزيع المواد الاقتصادية وطرد عوائل المخربين من الدور العائدة للدولة سواء في المدن ،دور الأدارة المحلية- أو في المجمعات السكنية التي تم بنائها من قبل الدولة”.
واشتملت أيضا حسب رسالة اللجنة الأمنية الرئيسية لمحافظة السليمانية المرقمة ٢٣٢ في ٤/٧/١٩٨٥ على “قطع الوكالات التجارية لذوي المخربين، قطع الهواتف لذوي المخربين، فسخ العقود الزراعية لذوي المخربين، حجز عوائل المخربين وممتلكاتهم” .
ثم زادت في قسوتها فاشتملت على “ ترحيل ذوي المخربين من المدن والقصبات الى المناطق التي يتواجد فيها المخربون” وكذلك على “سحب كافة المستمسكات التي يحملونها ” بالاضافة الى” وضع اشارة التجميد على قيود المشمولين باجراءات الترحيل الى المناطق التي يتواجد فيها المخربون “وذلك” لقطع الطريق على احتمال لجوئهم الى أستحصال مستمسكات جديدة (بدل ضائع)” كما ورد في كتاب وزارة الداخلية المرقم ق.س/٢٠٠٤٦ في ١٩/٩ / ١٩٨٥ .
ثم تم تشجيع جيرانهم على القيام بمهمة طردهم من منازلهم كما تقرر بكتاب ديوان الرئاسة المرقم ٣٦٥١٧ في ١٦/١١/١٩٨٥ "١ . يحق للقرى والاحياء السكنية طرد العوائل التي يلجأ فيها رب العائلة الى جانب العدو الأيراني أو يلتحق الى جانب المخربين.
٢. يتم تنفيذ ذلك عن طريق المنظمات الحزبية والجماهيرية".
العوائل التي تم تهجيرها القسري شملت أيضا باجراءات مصادرة اموالها حسب كتاب ديوان الرئاسة المرقم ٢٩٩٥٠ في ١١/٨/١٩٨٦ الذي ينص على “اجراءات الحجز والمصادرة تقتصر على أموال العوائل التي تلتحق بالمخربين وكذلك العوائل التي تطرد الى مكان تواجد المخربين بسبب التحاق بعض افرادها بزمر التخريب”. تسفير أو ترحيل العوائل القسري الى أماكن تواجد ذويهم معناه أنهم معرضون للقتل نتيجة للعمليات العسكرية أو نتيجة للقصف العشوائي الموجه ضد "المخربين" الذي تم القيام به فيما بعد.
الاجراءات التي اتخذت للتعامل مع الأموال المنقولة وغير المنقولة المصادرة العائدة "للمخربين" وذويهم وضحها كتاب مجلس قيادة الثورة /لجنة شؤون الشمال المرقم ٣/٢١١٧ في ٣٠/٤/٨٦
" أولا / تتولى اللجنة المختصة في المحافظة الأستمرار في بيع الأموال المنقولة وعند تعذر ذلك يتم نقلها الى محافظة أخرى لبيعها أما المواد القديمة المستهلكة فسوف يتم اتلافها.
ثانيا/ أما الأموال غير المنقولة فسوف يتم اتخاذ ما يلي بشأنها:
١. تسجيل الدور السكنية في مركز المحافظة والوحدات الادارية باسم محافظة السليمانية /الأدارة المحلية.
٢. تسجيل العرصات والدكاكين داخل حدود بلدية المركز باسم مديرية بلدية السليمانية وفي الوحدات الأدارية باسم البلديات المتواجدة فيها هذه العرصات والدكاكين.
٣. تسجيل الأراضي الزراعية في الوحدات الأدارية باسم الهيئة العامة للزراعة والاصلاح الزراعي في المحافظة ".


القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "...الجزء الثاني
القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "..الجزء الثالث
القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "..الجزء الرابع
القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "..الجزء الخامس
القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "..الجزء السا د س
القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية - حلبجة"....الجزء السابع
القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "..الجزء الثامن
القسوة لدى صدام حسين.... "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "..الجزءالتاسع
القسوة لدى صدام حسين....الجزء الأخير عن "عمليات الأنفال البطولية "

الأربعاء، 11 فبراير، 2009

عن القسوة لدى صدام حسين

هذه محاولة لتقديم تحليل نفسي لشخصية الرئيس صدام ...اعتمدت فيها على عرض سمات وملامح من شخصيته قبل تقديم التحليل النهائي لنفسيته..أعتقد أن تقديم تلك المحاولة يتطلب عرضا وتوثيقا لاحداث تاريخية حدثت في عهده حيث تلقي تلك ألاحداث نظرة على شخصيته وهو هدفنا الرئيس وفي نفس الوقت نفسر مجرى تلك الأحداث من خلال نفسيته. هذه المحاولة لن تكون كاملة لسبب رئيسي هو أنها تمت من دون التحدث المباشر مع الشخصية التي نبغي تحليلها نفسيا.. وللتغلب على ذلك النقص اعتمدت بشكل رئيسي على الوثائق التي عملت جاهدا على التحري من صحتها وكذلك على مراجعة لخطابات واحاديث وكتب الرئيس..بالاضافة الى أحاديث شخصية مع حزبيين قدماء كانوا يلتقون به...ومراجعة لمولفات ومقالات عديدة كتبت عنه.. حاولت جهدي أن أكون حياديا فقصدي ليس الاساءة بل محاولة لفهم ماحدث من خلال فهم شخصيته على حقيقتها وليس حسب تصورا مسبقا أن كان للتعظيم أو للاساءة ...

ملاحظات ومصادر عن "تدمير حزب البعث"....جريدة الشرق الأوسط

أحد المتامرين الذين ورد اسمهم في الأجتماع الأستثنائي.. احسان السامرائي نفى وجود موامرة ويبدو أنه عوقب لانتقادات كان ذكرها حسبت عليه...
مسؤول بعثي سابق يروي قصة اعتقاله وسجنه: صدام قال لي «هل تريد أن تعرف سبب اعتقالك؟ لقد سموك صدام البصرة»
إحسان السامرائي يقول إن انتقاداته لأسلوب عمل البعث أدخلته في مشاكل مع النظام
البصرة: بيتر سليفين* اصعب اللحظات بالنسبة لإحسان وفيق السامرائي، الذي كان مسؤولا بارزا في حزب البعث بمدينة البصرة، كانت في يوليو (تموز) 1979 عندما القي القبض عليه وامر بالاعتراف، رغم انه لم يبلغ بالجريمة التي كان مطلوبا منه الاعتراف بارتكابها. يتذكر إحسان انه كان يقف مذهولا مع رفاقه القادة في حزب البعث الذين لم يدركوا في ذلك الوقت ان حملة صدام حسين للتطهير بغرض التخلص من خصومه لم تبدأ بعد.
دخل بصورة مفاجئة ضابط بأحد اجهزة الامن وهو يقتاد شخصا معصوب العينين وقال ان هذا الشخص ايضا «لم يعترف بذنبه». قال السامرائي انه سمع الاوامر بقتل الشخص المعصوب العينين «اطلقوا الرصاص عليه». ثم شاهد الحارس وهو يوجه بندقيته الكلاشنيكوف الى عنق المعتقل. شعر السامرائي بالدم والبارود على وجهه وقال ان الحراس اعدموا ثلاثة اشخاص خلال ثلاث دقائق. عند ذلك ابلغ الضابط في جهاز الامن بقية المعتقلين قبل إعادتهم الى زنزاناتهم بأنهم سيواجهون نفس المصير اذا رفضوا الاعتراف.
لم يتوقع إحسان السامرائي، الذي كان يؤمن بقوة بأفكار حزب البعث، ان يكون هذا مصيره خصوصا انه انخرط في صفوف الحزب منذ ان كان طالبا في المرحلة المتوسطة عام 1956. وعندما وقع انقلاب 1958 على الحكم الملكي كان السامرائي مراهقا، وكان في بداية العقد الثاني من عمره عندما اعتقل عام 1963 مع مجموعة تابعة لحزب البعث حاولت الاستيلاء على محطة البث الاذاعي في مدينة البصرة خلال اعمال المقاومة ضد الحكومة العسكرية التي كانت تحكم البلاد في ذلك الوقت.
التقى السامرائي في السجن صدام حسين الذي شاع في ذلك الوقت تورطه في محاولة لاغتيال الرئيس العراقي السابق عبد الكريم قاسم. لم تكن ظروف الاعتقال في ذلك الوقت قاسية وكان المعتقلون يناقشون السياسة باستمرار. اما السامرائي، فقد ابدى اهتماما بوجوده الى جانب البعثي الشاب الذي كان متهما بالتورط في محاولة لاغتيال رئيس البلاد. صدام من جانبه كان يتذكر الاسماء وابدى اهتماما خاصا بالكوادر الدنيا في اوساط الناشطين البعثيين.
يتذكر السامرائي قائلا ان صدام ، الذي اصبح نائبا للرئيس، قد خصه بهدية ارسلها له مع نادل خلال مؤتمر لحزب البعث عقد في السبعينات. يقول السامرائي ان الرسالة وراء تلك الهدية كانت واضحة وهي انه (السامرائي) يعتبر شخصا مفضلا بالنسبة لصدام وانه يجب ان يشعر بالفخر ازاء اهتمام صدام به خصوصا انه اصبح شخصا مهما في الدولة. ويضيف السامرائي ان الهدية كانت ايضا بمثابة رسالة للآخرين كي يصوتوا لصالح صدام. ويقول السامرائي ان التعامل بينه وبين صدام بات مختلفا تماما بعد ذلك بعد ان بدأ صدام ينظر اليه بصورة مختلفة عما كان عليه الحال في السابق، اذ يعتقد السامرائي ان صدام حسين يعاني من ازدواج الشخصية. كان السامرائي قائدا للواء عسكري بمدينة البصرة عندما استولى البعثيون على السلطة عام 1968. وخلال فترة الـ11 عاما التالية حتى اعتقاله تقلد عدة مناصب في حزب البعث على المستوى المحلي وحصل على عدة ألقاب لكنه يشعر بالحرج في ما يبدو في سردها الآن. كان السامرائي عضوا في المجلس الحاكم ورئيسا لتحرير الصحيفة الرئيسية بمدينة البصرة ومسؤولا عن تحرير مجلة رئيسية فضلا عن كونه مديرا لمحطة البث الاذاعي بالمدينة ونائب قائد ميليشيات حزب البعث، حيث كان مسؤولا عن الاستخبارات. وكان السامرائي شخصية بارزة بالفعل على مستوى المدينة.
ويقول سكان البصرة الذين يتذكرون السامرائي انه كان شخصا مهابا وكان مسموحاً له بالإطلاع على وثائق وملفات سرية وعلى صلة وثيقة بقيادة الحزب في بغداد. كما انه لا ينكر انه كان جزءا من جهاز الحزب الذي كان معروفا بوحشيته وقسوته، لكنه اشار الى انه ظل باستمرار يحاول النأي بنفسه عن التجاوزات التي يرتكبها جهاز الحزب. وفي واقع الامر يعتقد السامرائي ان سجنه عام 1979 كان بسبب شكاوى تقدم بها حول خط الحزب. وأضاف قائلا انه كان من الصعب عليه الموازنة بين مشاعره الحقيقية وواجباته. ويقول انه فكر في التخلي عن دوره الحزبي والسفر الى ألمانيا الشرقية سابقا لإجراء دراسة متقدمة في الادب، لكنه لم يواصل دراسته. ويرى انه في ذلك الوقت على وجه التحديد بدأ يشعر بوجود هوة واسعة بين الشعارات المرفوعة والواقع وبين المثل وما امكن انجازه بالفعل.
وفي عام 1977 شكا السامرائي من أن المتحف الجديد لحزب البعث في بغداد كان يولي اهمية زائدة للاحداث التي تجري في العاصمة ووسط العراق على حساب المناطق الاخرى، وطالب بأن تكون مدينة البصرة ممثلة ايضا وقدم الكثير من مآثر الجنوب واعماله البطولية. ووصلت آراء السامرائي الى احمد حسن البكر، الذي كان رئيسا للعراق في ذلك الوقت، ووافق فيما يبدو على ما ورد فيها من نقاط، الا ان صدام، الذي كان وقتذاك الرجل الثاني في العراق، استدعى إحسان السامرائي الى مكتبه، فمن الواضح ان البكر ابلغ صدام بتخصيص مكان للبصرة في المتحف، لكنه ابدى غضبا تجاه هذه الفكرة. وطبقا لاعتقاد السامرائي، فإن صدام شعر بأن ثمة تحدياً لسلطته. اعتبر السامرائي ما حدث بعد ذلك بمثابة نقطة تحول في مهنته، فصدام عندما يشعر بما يضايقه فإنه يختزن هذه الشعور ويحمله الى الابد. ودخل السامرائي مع صدام في نزاعا اخر، فقد كتب له مطلع عام 1978 خطابا اورد فيه انه من «المخجل» ان يوزع الحزب معلومات مشبوهة واردة من مخبر حول عضو قيادي في الحزب، بل ان السامرائي هدد بالاستقالة وقضى الاسبوع التالي معتكفا في بيته. وقال السامرائي ان مسؤولين في الحزب ارسلوا من بغداد لحمله على العدول عن رأيه، لكنه قال لهم انه يعارض في الاساس مثل هذه «التكتيكات القمعية» وابلغهم بأن «استخدام المخبرين والابتزاز وتكتيكات الضغوط اسلوب فاشي»، بيد ان هذه العبارة صارت ملتصقة به وكأنها ادانة له.
واصبح صدام رئيسا للعراق في 16 يوليو (تموز) 1979، وبعد اربعة ايام تلقى السامرائي وزملاء له في البصرة تعليمات بالتوجه ليلا الى بغداد للمشاركة في اجتماع حزبي طارئ، ووصلوا الى العاصمة ليجدوا خليطا من المشاركين بينهم ضباط عسكريون وأعضاء قياديون في الحزب وزعماء عشائر. ودخلت قاعة الاجتماعات مجموعة من الجنود وأحاطت بالمشاركين قبل ان يظهر صدام ويبدأ في إلقاء خطاب حول وجود «مخطط يستهدف الحزب والعراق». اعتقد السامرائي ان الامر لا يعدو ان يكون مجرد عبارات لا معنى لها تستخدم فقط للاستهلاك في مثل هذه المناسبات، إلا ان صدام بدأ في قراءة اسماء من قائمة كانت معه. واقتاد الجنود من داخل القاعة كل من ورد اسمه في قائمة صدام.
قرأ صدام اسم السامرائي واقتيد الاخير معصوب العينين الى مبنى في بغداد تعرض فيه المعتقلون للضرب ووصفوا بأنهم «خونة»، بل طلب منهم. «الاعتراف» دون اي نقاش. إلا ان المعتقلين لم تكن لديهم ادنى فكرة عما هو مطلوب منهم الاعتراف به.
وبدأت الإعدامات في الطابق الاول من ذلك المبنى خلال الليلة الاولى او الثانية، فقد تم جمع حوالي 40 معتقلا من زنزاناتهم وبعد إعدام اول معتقل جرى اقتياد اثنين آخرين من وسط المجموعة ليواجها نفس المصير. نصيب السامرائي من المحاكمة بعد حوالي اسبوعين كان دقيقة واحدة لم توجه له خلالها اي تهمة رسمية ولم يكن هناك دفاع في المحكمة، بل لم يعرض اي سبب لاعتقاله، اذ ان كل ما حدث هو ان مسؤولا في المحكمة وجه اليه سؤالا حول ما اذا كان مذنبا ام لا، ليجيب السامرائي بأنه غير مذنب. اخرج السامرائي ورفاقه من قاعة المحكمة وعندما اعيدوا تليت قرارات المحكمة على المتهمين وحكم على السامرائي بالسجن 10 سنوات.
ولا يزال السامرائي يجد الكلام عن السنوات التي قضاها خلف القضبان صعبا، اذ لا يزال يتذكر المعاملة السيئة والضرب والازدحام والحبس الانفرادي الذي كان تعذيبا نفسيا بالفعل تلقى السامرائي زيارة بعد ستة شهور من بداية فترة سجنه ونقل الى مكتب وهو معصوب العينين وكان مصغيا عندما اوضح له الشخص الذي اقتاده من زنزانته الى المكتب المذكور انه يملك سلطة تسمح له بقتله ان دعا الامر. وخلال حديثه مع هذا الشخص دخل شخص آخر الى المكتب والسامرائي لا يزال معصوب العينين، إلا انه تمكن من معرفة صوت الشخص الذي دخل المكتب؟ انه صوت صدام حسين الذي سأله قائلا: هل تريد ان تعرف ما هي خيانتك وسبب اعتقالك؟، رد السامرائي بالايجاب، ثم قال صدام حسين: «علمنا ان الناس ينادونك بصدام البصرة». ثم واصل صدام قائلا «اتهمتنا بأننا فاشيون»، ورد السامرائي قائلا: «اذا كنت خائنا اقتلوني»، ثم قال صدام: «هل تريد ان تموت؟». وأجاب السامرائي بنعم، إلا ان صدام رد عليه قائلا انه سيضعه في السجن الى الابد الى ان يتساقط رأسه شعرة شعرة، مؤكدا له انه بذلك سيقتله كل يوم طيلة السنوات التي سيظل خلالها خلف القضبان. واختتم صدام حديثه للسامرائي قائلا: «اود ان اقول لك شيئا.... كنت اشعر تجاهك بالارتياح في السابق، لكنك خنتنا واتهمتنا وهذا ربما يتسبب في قطع لسانك».
اطلق سراح السامرائي في 28 ابريل (نيسان) 1983 بموجب عفو بمناسبة عيد ميلاد صدام، وارسل بعد ذلك الى البصرة حيث حظر من السفر خارجها او التحرك بعيدا عن منزله. وبسبب شعوره بأنه فنان اكثر من كونه سياسياً، بدا السامرائي يكتب باستمرار وكل ما يأمل فيه الآن هو النشر والسفر، ويقترح ان يجتمع كتاب وفنانو العراق الذين عانوا من القمع والرقابة على مدى ربع قرن تقريبا في سفينة كبيرة اشبه بسفينة نوح للقيام برحلة حول العالم لمدة ستة شهور. ويقول السامرائي: «نريد ان نشعر بشيء من الخلاص والتحرر، نريد حرية التعبير.... نريد ان تتحدث النساء... ولكن سؤالي هو حتى اذا امكن تحقيق هذا الحلم، هل يمكن ان نرى الاشياء بصورة مختلفة؟ مات الكثير من الاصدقاء.... هذه محنتنا وما نشعر ازاءه بالحزن. نريد فقط ان ننسى هذا الكابوس».
* خدمة «واشنطن بوست» ـ خاص بـ«الشرق الأوسط»
"تدمير حزب البعث"...الجزء الأول http://saddamscruelty.blogspot.com/2009/02/blog-post_7822.html
الجزء الأخير عن "تدمير حزب البعث" http://saddamscruelty.blogspot.com/2009/02/blog-post_370.html

الأحد، 8 فبراير، 2009

The 1979 special congress


A major act of planned aggression was the radical elimination of perceived opponents in 1979. It was a turning point afterward; one aggressive action followed another.
The trial resulted in the total destruction of the old party. The event resulted in the creation of a new party totally subservient to him. The new party duty from that point of time and onward was low key security tasks and propaganda purposes.
The bloody purge was also designed to get rid of another problem the unity with Syria. The result of the trial was unanimity and subservience to the party reigned.
The Highest member of Al-bath party were invited to al-kuld hall. Doors were closed his body guard prevented anyone from leaving. Those invited to attend had no idea for the reason of the meeting. Taha Yaseen Ramadan came and announced the existence of plot against the party and all the plotters were present in the hall .
A member of Al-Baath party Muhi Abdal-Hussain Al-Mashhadai entered the hall and begun confessing of the existence of a plot to over through the regime with the assistance of Syria. When ever a name Mashhadai mention security forces would take that person away. Those attempting to protest their innocence were not allowed to, Saddam would shout angrily "get out if you have anything, say it to the investigators".
He was in absolute control of the scene, despite his angrily words in one moment he made a joke when Mashadi mentioned the family name AL Doori of an alleged plotter but could not remember his first name, Saddam laughed saying “you made every Doori Comrade now scared to Death”. The audience joined him in his laughter.
As he was watching and smoking his Cuban cigar, his cousin Ali- Hassan al-Majeed stood and urged him not to show any mercy for the perpetrators. His answer was “Yes he will show no mercy”. Realizing the transformation, all others in the hall, eagerly denounced their former friends and superiors.
Saddam then staged his favorite show; friends sentenced their friends to death. As a special court was established under the terms of RCC decision no.967 of 28 July 1979 consisting of seven of its members it tried the persons accused of offense of “treasonable conspiracy against the party and the state” 40 21 people were sentenced to death . He ordered Top male members of Al-Baath party from all over the country and the revolutionary command council to carry on the execution orders. His sons Udaiy then aged 15 and Qussay then aged 13, in addition to the families of the highest members and female Baath members were brought to watche the actual execution.
He later spoke on
Ideological transformation was the inevitable result of the 1979 trial, a transformation form the party role to the leader role. Prior to 1979 and according to the leading party act 142 of 1974 “all ministries and all governmental departments, institutions, bodies and agencies must adopt the political report of the eighth regional congress of the Arab Baath socialist party, which guides the authorities and the state as a program and guideline for their work”
The 8th party congress report in 1974 spoke of the party as an entity. After trial the preface to the 9th congress in 1982 immediately emphasized "a clear division of the role of the party and that of Saddam Hussein, ‘a leader of special type who emerged and developed in unique circumstances’." The 9th congress also credited Saddam with all the party’s achievements since 1968:
"Playing the leading role in achieving the historic explosions; the creator of the Patriotic Front and its leader; the designer of the March Declaration; the actual leader of the process of oil nationalization; the first planner of the process of total development; the brain behind the strategy of nuclear research; and the guiding light in the field of culture and information.
In more recent congresses the party ceased its ideological work altogether. The 10th and 11th congresses chose to adopt Saddam speeches as the party reports and guidelines.
The destruction of the party achieved several objectives as we said earlier serving mainly to keep it subservient to his will and to get rid of several problems. But the real motive behind it is mistrust. He trusted his blood relatives more than party members. Thus at the same time the party was growing, the influence of his family and tribe members grew, until the time was ripe enough for him to destroy the party and act more freely in putting more family and tribe members in the position of power.
His distrust of the party and his trust of the clan date even to his early days. If one read the long days on the return of the assassination group to their hiding place Saddam was bitterly critical of the party saying to his comrades that he will not stay as the party will not do anything to them thus he chose to leave the hiding place. The rest of his comrades chose to stay and were rounded up shortly after Saddam left. The rest of the novel don’t mention the party struggle at all, if any support was provided to the hero it was from his family. The family sheltered him and provided him with the means to escape.
Thus while the early efforts initially was to strengthen the party base, there was another process slower occurring which was the placement of Tikriti clan in higher positions mainly security positions. After the destruction of the party the process accelerated.
This culminated in the creation of 1981 of another organization more secretive and more powerful than the party itself. Based solemnly on tribal affiliation the special security apparatus.
The result is that who held the real power in Iraq was close net of tribe from takrit, bieji and al-shraqat. Their common connection was not the ideology of Baath party and its principals their connection were tribal values and blood connection.
After 1991 uprising in an exceptional Baath party congress saddam reiterated his believe that it was not the party that prevented the collapse of the regime it was his security apparatus and the performance of his relative which superseded the performance of the party members. What happened after 1991 is the transformation of the society as whole into a tribal fragmented society. What was left of the old bath party that Saddam joined was only its shadow.

السبت، 7 فبراير، 2009

The case of Iraqis of Iranian origin

This article examines the Iraqi regime’s policy, under Saddam’s rule, towards the Iraqis of Iranian origin. It shows the view the regime holds towards them, and outlines the extent of the war it did wage against them. An attempt to explain the driving force for the campaign is also provided.




“They were uprooted from the Iraqi soil, so that they won't dishonour the Iraqi soil, the Iraqi air, and won't dishonour the Iraqi blood when their blood mixes with the Iraqi blood through marriage.
Thus, the revolution uprooted them from the roots to end them… So that the pure Iraqi nationalist, the honourable, remain with his forehead high forever…” 1
Saddam Hussain 1981



In the early seventies, and throughout the eighties about 200,000 people were stripped of their Iraqi nationality. Their properties, businesses and capitals were confiscated and they were forcibly expelled to Iran. This was because they were Tabbayyah Iranieah (of Iranian origin).
The deportation of Tabbayyah is the least studied event in the modern Iraqi history probably, because it occurred in a period when Saddam’s regime was regarded as friendly to the West, add to this is that those people were regarded as Iranian Shia, at a time when Islamic revolution was at its height with all it’s anti-western slogans. Thus, the fate those people faced at the hands of Saddam received very little sympathy, if any at all.
Not only that, but the majority of writers 2 accepted Saddam’s claim that they were Iranians, and thus they constituted a potential threat to the stability of the regime when it went to war with Iran, therefore the deportation of those people may be understandable.
This study is part of a bigger attempt to make a psychological profile of president Saddam. Here we look at one aspect of his personality, his ruthlessness, by presenting the fate of a sample of his victims, the Tabbayyah.




The Iraqi nationality:

Recording people descent in Iraq was the result of the historical events at that time. After the end of the first war the treaty of Lausanne, dated 24 of July 1923, between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies, decided on the fate of the people who lived in the vast area previously controlled by the Ottoman Empire.
Clause 30 of that treaty stated " Citizens ordinarily residents in a region separated from Turkey, according to this treaty, will be considered citizens of the state to which the region will be transferred to, in accordance with the new state local regulation"3.
The first Iraqi nationality law was act number 42 of 1924. According to paragraph 3 of the above act "Ottoman subjects habitually resident in the territory of Iraq on August 6th, 1924, shall be deemed to have acquired on that date the Iraqi nationality to the exclusion of Ottoman nationality in accordance with Article 30 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty "3. In then the new Iraqi nationality certificate, a section recorded the origin of it’s holder "Tabbayyah". The origin of citizens of the new formed state, Iraq, accordingly was recorded as Othmani. (Of Ottoman origin).
The above law did not take into consideration the group of people who lived in Iraq who held the Persian nationality, the other nationality option some of the population could hold. Some were Persian but others were Arabs who chose to hold the Persian nationality as a mean to evade the ottoman military service.
The descendants of that group (in thousands) could apply for the Iraqi nationality based on law of 1933 if they were born in Iraq, and had a father born in Iraq3. The origin section of their citizenship certificate would be recorded as Tabbayyah Iranieah.
The second nationality act, enacted by the first Baath regime, replaced the 1924 act. According to that law, numbered 43 of 1963, " the minister of interior can grant the Iraqi nationality to the individual who was born in Iraq and lived in it until maturity, if he is the son of foreign father who himself was born and was resident in Iraq when his son was born"3. But, the act was limited by the period of enforcement of two years, as stated in paragraph 3 of act 206 of 1964. Those who did not apply during this period were unable to gain the Iraqi nationality. Those who gained the Iraqi nationality certificate based on that decree had their origin still be recorded as Tabbayyah Iranieah.
Thus, by the time Saddam came to power an unknown, but still a large population in Iraq were either unable to apply for the Iraqi nationality or were holders of the Iraqi nationality, but had their citizenship certificate read as Tabbayyah Iranieah .
What apparently look like an attempt to solve the problem of statelessness in Iraq, The Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) issued decree no. 180 of 3/2/1980 4 that stated:
“The minister of interior can grant the Iraqi nationality to an adult foreigner according to the following conditions:
a-resided in Iraq before 14/7/1958 revolution, and is still residing before the end of the resolution of this decree.
b-one of his relatives, in the first or second degree, holds the Iraqi nationality.
c- his presence should not be detrimental to the peace and security of the republic of Iraq.”
The next two important paragraphs in that decree were, first the period of its effectiveness was limited to six months from the time it was published in the official gazette, the second was “any foreigner resided in the country for more than ten years before the issuing of this decree should, during the period of the effect of this decree, declare his intention to gain the Iraqi nationality or leave the country”. This meant that such people had to apply for the citizenship not only for the sake of gaining it but, also to escape the risk of being expelled.
The question is why the six months period? If the intention was to solve the problem of statelessness, why limit the effectiveness of the decree to six months? In fact, it was less than six months, as for the people of Tabbayyah Iranieah it was less than two months before they were excluded from any benefit, if present, in RCC decree no.180. As the RCC issued decree no. 518 dated 10/4/19805 which stated: “the foreigner, of Iranian descent, is to be excluded from the right to apply for the Iraqi nationality.”
One explanation for issuing decree no.180 was not the intention to grant the Iraqi citizenship for those who did not hold it, but the ulterior motive of the security authorities was to estimate the number of people who lacked the nationality and who would fall into the category of Tabbayyah Iranieah, prior to the deportation step which took effect two months after the issuing of RCC decision no 180.
Four days after issuing RCC 180, The RCC issued decree no. 200 of 7/2/19806 in which, all those who were unable to meet all the requirement present in RCC 180 would fall into the category of being illegal aliens, as the decree stipulated that: “Its not permitted for the foreigner, who resided in Iraq before the issuance of this decree or is currently residing, to stay for a period of more than five years." This decree could provide a legal basis for the campaign of deportation which started in April of the same year.
The process for applying for the nationality certificate was also tedious, especially for people who lived in Iraq’s remote and distant areas in which a significant percentage of them did not hold the nationality certificate. Application for the nationality certificate required the following proof: that the applicant, his father and grandfather were born in Iraq, his father and grandfather were living in Iraq during 1921-1926 period and were both of Othamni descent. The whole intention of the state legislature was to exclude a significant proportion of people from the society.
While it was hard for the thousands of people who were born and lived in Iraq for generations to gain the Iraqi nationality, for Arabs and even foreign nationals it was much easier to gain it.
As RCC decree no 5 of 11/1/1975 stated "the Minster of interior have the right to grant the Iraqi nationality for any adult Arab who applies for it excluding Palestinians". Its one example, of several, in which Saddam gave privileges to the Arabs over the rest of the people in Iraq. The likely motive is pure propaganda, to enhance his status in the rest of Arab countries. For Arab citizens he ordered his employees to expedite the process of granting citizenship to be completed in one week, he also issued RCC 1096 of 14/9/1985 which provides incentive for Arab citizens to apply for the Iraqi citizenship as it granted them" free real estate in any governorate except Baghdad after three years of gaining the citizenship" not only that, but they can, unlike the rest of Iraqis, "transfer money outside Iraq, and can travel once a year outside Iraq".
While one may argue that Iraqis are Arabs and hence legislating laws to allow other Arabs to gain the Iraqi nationality and to exclude non Arabs, Tabbayyah, from gaining it is understandable, especially since the slogan of the Arab Baath Socialist Party is a pan Arabic one. But, Arabic descent is not a factor in granting the Iraqi nationality in fact paragraph 5 of RCC decree 180 of 3/2/19803 mentioned earlier made it compulsory, for all foreign women married to Iraqis and resident in the country for five years, to apply for the Iraqi nationality within six months of its issuance, otherwise they will face deportation. Thus, an American woman living in the country for only five years had to acquire the Iraqi nationality; otherwise she would face deportation while the people who resided in the country for generations and who possessed the nationality lost it and were deported. Others were, of course, not allowed to gain the nationality.
For the Tabbayyah women they were first excluded from the naturalization, as set forth in paragraph 5 of RCC decree 180, by RCC decree no.518 of 10/4/1980, which excluded those of Iranian descent, form the right to apply to the Iraqi nationality as mentioned previously. This was modified two months later by RCC decree no. 958 of 15/6/19807 which gave the Tabbayyah women the chance to apply for the Iraqi nationality as set forth in RCC decree 180, provided the marriage had occurred prior to 10/4/1980.
The six months period that paragraph 5 of RCC no. 180 gave to foreign women to apply for the Iraqi nationality was later extended to a further six months by RCC decree no. 485 of 21/4/1981 with the exclusion of Tabbayyah women.
As we shall see later the RCC issued decree no. 474 on 10/4/19818 that encouraged the Iraqi husbands of the Tabbayyah women to divorce them by offering money as preliminary step to deport them.
It would be naïve to believe that people who possessed the Iraqi nationality were immune from losing it, on the contrary the regime used the issuing of citizenship document as a means of pressure on political opponents, as law 35 of 1977 that reformed “the legal system took the care to exclude from citizenship all person who take a political, economical or intellectual attitude hostile to the revolution and its programmes” 9. Thus a citizen of Iraq is a person whose believes, not only behaviour, was the one that was acceptable to the regime.
The Iraqi citizenship, thus was withdrawn from political opponents, like some members of the communist party, as stated in general security directorate no.5410 of 24//1/1984 which ordered “the withdrawal of the Iraqi citizenship from four members of the Iraqi communist party who escaped to Iran and resided in Sweden ”10. Members of the Dawa party were deported and thus treated like Tabbayyah, as stated in RCC Directive no1808/23/22 of the Iraqi secretary bureau of 11/3/1980 “ it was decided to deport the Iranians, and even the holders of the Iraqi citizenship, in case they were involved in activities against the revolution and the party, or if they were members of the Dawa party and were sentenced by the revolutionary court”11.
Then the RCC issued decree no 363 of 27/4/1986, which legalized the withdrawal of citizenship for political reasons as the decree stated “To abrogate the Iraqi nationality from any Iraqi if it was proved that he is disloyal to the country and to the people".12
This decree is one of many decrees in which the wording is so vague as the legal definition of disloyalty to the people and to the nation is not clear and left open to interpretation..
As every thing became later in Iraq, with lack of the rule of law, citizenship could be withdrawn for trivial reasons not only political or intellectual attitude, as it is clearly stated in the Northern Bureau Command of the Baath party directive 435 of 8/9/87 12:
“ Any person who fails to participate in the 1987 census without a valid excuse shall lose their Iraqi citizenship”.
Not only that but “they will be regarded as army deserters and as such shall be subject to the terms of RCC decree no.677 of August 26/1987” this meant that they would face the death penalty by an army squad.
This directive will be discussed later in my work on the Anfal operations but the point I want to make here is, trivial reasons could lead to loss of citizenship.
Abrogating the nationality was not limited to the individual whose behaviour doesn’t match what the state accept, his family lost theirs too as stated in the orders issued by saddam himself through the directive of the presidency office to the Ministry of Interior no. 16/7415 on 7/6/1983 13:
“1-The families of the criminals that hold the Iraqi nationality of non-othmani descent shall lose their nationality according to RCC decision 666 on 7/5/1980.
2- regarding the families of the criminals that hold the Iraqi nationality of othmani descent, please provide us with a list of their names, so that we can write to the concerning authorities to issue a decree from the honourable RCC to strip them from their Iraqi nationality.
3- A family means the wife and the children only..”
The same decree also points to the consequence of the loss of citizenship; deportation.
Another directive issued in the mid eighties also stripped the families of “saboteurs” who chose to relocate with their sons in what was regarded as prohibited areas in the north of Iraq from their Iraqi citizenship. This was stated in minutes of meeting directives of the Arab bath party Erbil regional branch reference no. 60/2648 dated 12/9/1987 14:
“ The meeting addressed the following issues:
To strip the families who joined the saboteurs with all their family members of their Iraqi citizenship and to confiscate their movable and immovable property”
As we saw from above abrogation of the Iraqi nationality was easy, it was not limited to persons of Iranian descent but included political opponents, their families and even those who failed to abide by trivial state regulation like participation in a census or physical presence in certain areas.

The consequences of being Tabbayyah

If the father of a person was a Tabbayyah Iranieah the consequences could be apart from statelessness, deportation, confiscation of property, imprisonment for young men, and possible disappearance.
A-Deportation

Deportation was in the form of two waves:
The first wave of deportation begun in the early 70s the group targeted were faili Kurds, who unlike the majority of Kurds are Shia Muslims, who were living in Baghdad. The targeted neighbourhood in Baghdad were: Qanbar Ali, Al-Qishla, and Bab Al-shaikh, Gahwat Shaker, Al-khulani, Aqd Al-Akrad 15. This appeared as a response to the seizure by Iran of the three Arab islands in the straits of Hurmuz.
Then the campaign slowed down to trickle, and might even stop altogether. The improvement in political relationships with the shah of Iran as a result of signing the Algiers Accord might played a role in stopping the campaign.
The number of people deported was estimated to be around 20-30,000 people.
After the Iranian revolution the relationship with Iran deteriorated again. What appeared to trigger the second wave of deportation was the assassination attempt on the Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Aziz in AL-Mustansyriah University on April 1980. Few people were killed and some were injured. The assassin (Sameer Mir Ghulam) ,who was arrested, was said to be Tabbayyah.
As I heard it from one high ranking Baathi, in a meeting headed by Saddam, he asked for the opinion of the attendee regarding the assassination incident, the first one to speak was a Sunni women who believed that the incident should not be blown out of proportion, and that only those responsible should be prosecuted. But she was alone, in fact as the storyteller told it, it appeared that the decision was already made to deliver the harshest treatment to the whole community of Tabbayyah and not only to the individual person responsible for the assassination attempt.
Publicly Saddam delivered the following speech 16:
"Yesterday, precious drops of blood were shed by the young men and women of Mustansiriyah- the cause was a contemptible lackey called Sameer Mir Ghulam. He and his masters thought they could achieve something great. But we say to them, and to all those foreign imperialist forces who think they can overcome this revolution let them try. The Iraqi people are now a large and powerful mountain that they cannot shake with all their bombs. By God, the innocent blood that was shed at Mustansiriyah will not go un-avenged."
The revenge was RCC decree no. 666 of 7/5/1980 17r which outlined Tabbayyah fate:
“1-Any Iraqi of foreign origin shall lose his Iraqi nationality if he is disloyal to the country, to the people, and to the higher national and social goals of the revolution.
2-The minister of interior should order the expulsion of any individual who lost his Iraqi nationality as outlined in paragraph 1 of this decree.”
As we can see the first paragraph of the above decree is not clear on what could be considered as “disloyalty to the higher national and social goals of the revolution” and how such disloyalty could be assessed. Also it’s not clear which governmental body would determine what disloyalty meant.
While this decree conditions disloyalty on the part of the accused before deportation, the realty was that those people were deported based on what their citizenship papers read, Tabbayyah Iranieah or not.
Although the above decree did not specify The Tabbayyah Iranieah as the targeted group, we could find who was targeted by this decree elsewhere.
Fadel Al-barrak then the head of the security service, in a book he wrote in the mid eighties, defined a Tabbayyah Iranieah as a person who was linked " historically, psychologically, socially, politically and economically with the Iranian homeland"18 . In other part of his book he wrote “The Tabbayyah community played a role in antagonizing the national development and aspiration of the Arab nation, and tried to stop the national government from reaching power in Iraq."19 Thus it’s the Iraqi of Iranian descent that was targeted by decree no. 666 as their community was “antagonizing the national development and aspiration of the Arab nation”. Saddam’s speech that “those people were uprooted to prevent their blood from mixing with the Iraqi blood” 1 meant that personal believes were irrelevant it was that person’s blood, his genealogy that was relevant and unwanted.
By defining who was a Tabbayyah through descent rather than through personal believes, Saddam succeeded in establishing an inescapable status, one’s biological ancestors could not be changed.
Person's politics revealed that person's biological makeup. By implications a non -Iraqi was inherently subversive to the state and because politics was determined by biology, persuasion was useless against political opponent the opponent had to be eliminated from the society.
The first group to be deported were a group of merchants. They were invited to meet a government official; however they were rounded up taken into trucks and thrown into the border, between Iraq and Iran, and forced to walk to Iran. Those who attempted to return back were shot, as directed by the minister of interior directive no 3884 dated 10/4/1980 20 which ordered the security forces to fire on those attempting to return back to Iraq.
The next targeted group were, probably those who first came forward and applied for the citizenship based on what RCC 180 promised them, as discussed previously. The task for finding the rest of the Tabbayyah Iranieah community was not an easy one. One option was to look in the files of the Department of citizenship in the ministry of interior, which was responsible for issuing the citizenship certificate, but to look for the files of every family back to the early 30s, when the whole process was established and in the absence of a computer system, was not an easy task.
An easier option to them was to ask every governmental employee to present his certificate of citizenship to his superior. Every school child was asked to present, to their teachers, their father’s certificate of citizenship. Every member of Alb’ath party, Amn (internal security), army, and mukkabarat (intelligence), despite being an adult, was required to present both their mother’s and father’s certificates. Not only that, but they were asked to fill a very detailed questionnaire about their family tree. They had to report to which tribe they belonged, to which division of the tribe and who was the head of the tribe. Many found that expectation to be formidable. A Tabbayyah to Saddam was always a Tabbayyah, for when it was discovered that a person was a Tabbayyah, they would open that person’s file in the directorate of citizenship and they would look for the files of the whole family members. Brothers, sisters, children, cousins all would be regarded as Tabbayyah, and at risk of being deported, if not being deported already.
A family was regarded as a Tabbayyah if the father was Tabbayyah, regardless of the state of the mother, and this would make all of his children Tabbayyah.
If one brother was Tabbayyah Othmanyah and the other Tabbayyah Iranieah, the former would be regarded as Tabbayyah Iranieah. He with all his children would be Tabbayyah, and thus would risk deportation. This is clearly stated in the minister of interior directive no 3884 dated 10/4/198020 “ If there is a family, that some members of which obtained the (Iraqi) citizenship and the rest did not, the principal of “uniting the family outside the border” should apply”.
People in whom it was found that their mother, not their father was Tabbayyah and were members of the army or Amn, Mukkabarat, or Al’baath party despite being still Iraqis were forced to leave their positions. In the eyes of the Saddam, they were not trusted.
Then, probably to close any holes that might exist, Baath party members began to knock on the doors of nearly every house in Iraq, requesting from the head of the family to present his citizenship certificate.
The scenario of deportation was the same, security officers would knock on the door of the Tabbayyah family, tell them to get into a truck which would take them to Amn headquarters for a night or so and then they would be taken to the borders. They were not allowed to take anything at all with them, except the clothes they wear.
The intensity of the deportation campaign varied during the war, probably depending on Saddam’s mood and on what was happening in the battlefield. Nevertheless it went on well during the war and even after the war with Iran ended. The Presidency office directive no c/7/4248 of 5/2/1986 which was during the war stated “it has been decided, to continue the deportation outside the country of Tabbayyah who were not included in the previous deportation measures, with the abrogation of their Iraqi citizenship if it’s proved that they:
1-Were member of a hostile party.
2-Formed a racist aggregation.
3-If they spread rumors detrimental to the party and the revolution.”21
As we can see the above directive like RCC 666 introduced considerable opportunity for arbitrariness at the hands of those who carried it, especially its third paragraph.
After the end of the war with Iran the campaign of deportation continued as stated in the Presidency directive no. c/40268 of 9/11/1988 " The leader president, may god protect him, has ordered to continue to deport the one's whose citizenship is not proven. Coordinate with the military authorities for adequate forces and available avenues, there is no room for hesitation or stopping, any one hesitates to perform his duty will be held accountable ". This gives an idea on how long and intensive the war against Tabbayyah was.
Despite this, not all the Tabbayyahs ,were included in the deportation though, those exempted included according to RCC security command council meeting 31 of 25/12/1981:
"1-A Baath party at the member level or above, their wives and their first degree relatives.
2-Wives, and first and second degree relatives of martyrs in Qaddisyyahat Saddam.
3-Holders of masters or PH.D degrees in science with their wives and their first degree relatives.
4-The Iranian women who hold the Iraqi citizenship and married to an Iraqi of Othmani descent.
5- The Iranian who holds the Iraqi citizenship who was decorated with Rafideen medal or medal of valor, and their wives and his first degree relatives.
6-The Iranian who holds the Iraqi citizenship who provided a great service in the security field.
7- The Arabs of ArabStan.
8-The Iranian Assyrian and Armenian.
9-The Iranian Kurds in the autonomous region and to look in their situation after the end of the war with the Persian enemy.
10 –The deported Iranian who were exempted from the deportation and retuned by special a decision by the higher authorities." 22
We can see that the law was legislated in a way to eliminate certain individuals from the society. The targeted group for deportation was not all the individuals of Iranian descent, but selected shia of Iranian descent, as the above directive excluded the Iranian Assyrian, the Armenian and Kurds. Of the targeted group those who were deemed useful to the society, like PhD holders, were excluded whereas those who were regarded as expandable were deported.
Two persons two my knowledge were able to prevent deportation of families, the first, was most obviously Saddam himself, and the second was his-half brother Barazan Al-Takritiy, head of the Mukkabart at that time, this is hinted to in the above directive as "Iranian exempted from the deportation by a special decree from the higher authorities" 22.
People at that time became suddenly aware of the possibility of losing all what they possessed and built, not on the basis of what they did, nor on the way they behaved but because of having a grand father or a great- great grand father who was a Tabbayyah Iranieah. One way to get out from such dilemma, was to provide proof that their ancestors were Arabs. One family was able to provide the proof that their ancestor originated from Saudi Arabia and to present such proof to Saddam who recognised the “true Arab” origin of that family and gave them their citizenship back. This was shown on television, when Saddam himself met the family members and restored their nationality back to them 23.
Others attempted to change their origin on the papers from “of Iranian descent” to “Othmani descent”. Some were caught by the authorities as is the case mentioned in ministry of interior directive no. 10048 of 22/7/1984 which state that" according to what you discussed and since the following subjects obtained the Iraqi wittiness of citizenship because they were Tabbayyah othmanyah when in fact they were of Tabbayyah Iranieah. We decided to withdraw their Iraqi citizenship certificate "24.
Some Tabbayyah were able to flee the country before they were rounded up by the authorities. Mistakes in the campaign of deportation did occur in which Iraqis were deported as stated in Ministry of interior telegram no.34233 of 19/4/1980 "since Hayat Hashim Hassan is a holder of Iraqi citizenship was deported with her children by mistake, please inform all control borders to allow her to return with her children".

B-Disruption of family ties:

“They were uprooted from the Iraqi soil so that they won’t dishonour the Iraqi soil, the Iraqi air, and won’t dishonour the Iraqi blood when their blood mixes with Iraqi blood through marriage.
Thus the revolution uprooted them from the roots to end them. So that the pure Iraqi nationalist the honourable remain with his forehead high forever…”1.
To prevent Tabbayyah blood from mixing with the "Iraqi" blood, deportation was not enough, existing families had to be separated.
If the wife was an Iraqi and her husband was a Tabbayyah Iranieah, she would be offered the choice of being deported with her husband or to stay in the country. The regime encouraged women to ask for divorce and to stay in the country by offering them the sum of 10,000 Iraqi Dinars 25. However, women who chose to stay were not allowed to work in governmental positions as stated in RCC 150 of 28/1/1980 “To ban from serving in any governmental, semi governmental offices and social sector institutions any Iraqi woman married to a foreigner”. If the wife was herself a Tabbayyah Iranieah and her husband was an Iraqi man, she was allowed to stay. However, the regime encouraged the men to divorce their wives by offering them 4000 Dinars, if he was a soldier or 2500 Dinars if he was a civilian as it was stipulated in RCC decree 474 of 15/4/1981 26. The latter decision was not only to disrupt pre-existing marriages, but also to try to prevent Tabbayyah women from staying in Iraq. As some families tried to prevent their daughter’s from being deported by arranging false marriages with Iraqi’s.
Directive no. 31/12/2464 on 22/4/1981 signed by, then the secretary of RCC, Tareq hamd Al-Abudulah outlined the fate of the divorced women 27:
“In case of divorce, the Ministry of Justice should inform the Ministry of Interior, in order to expel the divorced wife outside the state”.
And to discourage those men, who probably divorced their wives for other reasons than for the sole reason of being a Tabbayyah, from marrying other Tabbayyah women the directive continue:
“The person who benefit from the said decree (474) should not marry again an Iranian women, otherwise the sum should be returned”

C-Prison and disappearance

Before the Iraqi-Iranian war the entire family males, females and children were deported, but as the war broke up the regime found that the men that they deported joined the Iranians in the fight against them. While continuing the campaign of deportation the regime begun to detain males aged between 16-40 while deporting the rest of the family to Iran.
This was clearly stated in the Ministry of Interior directive 3884 on 10/4/1980 20:
“military personnel of all ranks……… and those between the age of 18-28 years shall be detained until further directive”
While some were released years later, an unknown number disappeared. Amnesty international report the number to be in thousands 28.

D-Confiscation of property

Lands, bank accounts, businesses, properties, however small, were confiscated from the deported Tabbayyah. They were not allowed to take anything, except the clothes they were wearing. Saddam’s view as it was conveyed to me by one Baathi, was that their ancestors arrived to Iraq on their feet having nothing, therefore their grandchildren should be send back on their feet, having nothing.
RCC decision 1131 of 17/7/1980 gave the Minister of Internal Affairs the power to sell the movable property and all the rights that belonged to the deported “Iranians”.
Committees were established in each governorate to liquidate the possessions of the "deported Iranians" all worked under the umbrella of The General Secretariat for the liquidation of the deported Iranian possession. The latter was linked to the first deputy Prime Minister office. The period of time given to the committees by the general secretariat to finish its work was the 30/4/1982.
The committees, were also responsible for the liquidation of the movable and immovable property of the "Iranian included in the deportation", but managed to flee the country.
Presidential cabinet letter no. 15227 of 25/12/1980 provided instructions on how to deal with the property of the deportee if the wife of Tabbayyah was an Iraqi "1-the house of the deportee should be vacated within a maximum period of six months of the expropriation. The state is not responsible for providing housing for the family of the deportee.
2- The current measure of allowing the wife and the children to stay after the deportation of the husband is incorrect this is because the children are Iranian. So, either to deport the wife and children or the wife joins her family if she is an Arab.
3- The house would be rented to the family of the Iranian deportee if they want to stay in the house. Unless the Ministry needed the house or a decree was issued to allocate to another party." This meant that the state expropriated the house and would decide if it would allow the wife to stay in it, but even after such decision the wife had to pay rent to the state for her husband’s property.
Property confiscation was a key element in the campaign against Tabbayyah. It’s aim was to destroy, by it victims of deportation were denied the means by which they can buy food or provide shelter and be reduced to wretchedness.
Barrak 18who wrote on the criminal record of Tabbayyah implied that their property was gained criminally and thus could be rightly confiscated by the government without compensation. The confiscated property businesses, were distributed to members of Amn and Mukabarat.
While waiting for their deportation, Tabbayyah people were prevented from transferring their property to their Non-Tabbayyah spouses. As RCC no.1610 in 1982 29 prohibited women married to non-Iraqi (Tabbayyah) from transferring ownership of their movable or immovable property to their non-Iraqi husbands. It also stipulated that if they die before their non-Iraqi husbands, their property and assets revert to their legal heirs, and their non-Iraqi husbands are denied their share of stake. This decision has a retroactive effect since it apply to legal acts and occurrences proceeding the date of its entry into force.
The whole idea was to prevent the spouses of Tabbayyah men from selling the property, and leaving the country to join their spouses in a third country.

E-Those who were not deported

Not all the Tabbayyah were deported, as a significant number of them lived in Iraq when the regime was still in power, however their exact number is unknown.
For those remained, the Directorate of Citizenship withdrew their certificates from them and replaced it with a new one similar to what other Iraqis had, however it has a special number only those people working in that department are able to identify it 30
The head of the Directorate of Security in his directive no.18518 of 7/3/1987 requested that “all applications for Iraqi citizenship form those of foreign descent, especially Iranian descent, should be submitted to him via the foreigners branch no.15 for a final decision” and “he will take into consideration the applicant’s and his family social relationships and their political stance” the directive went on “the information needed will include the father, mother, sisters, wife and children of the principal applicant. We also find it necessary to meet the applicant to win him and his family to our security work”30. That is to say, the director wants after careful checking, people to work as informers to him before he would grant them the Iraqi citizenship.
Those lived in Iraq, before the fall of the regime, could not join the police, Amn or Mukabart or be officers in the Army. They also could not reach a high civil position, nor could they be teaching in a university 31.
Army officers, Amn, or Mukabarat members were required to present the certificate of citizenship of their wives. If she was a Tabbayyah, the husband would certainly lose his position, if he did not divorce her. As encouraged to do so by RCC decree 474 of 1981 mentioned earlier. Men in such positions were later prevented from marrying a Tabbayyah by RCC resolution no. 978 of 4/8/1984 which stipulated" A minimum imprisonment of five years and a maximum of ten years for those officers who marry a foreigner or a naturalized Iraqi"32. Thick dossiers in Amn headquarters were devoted for checking the authenticity of citizenship certificates and the origin of future wives of its employees.
Some of the Tabbayyah who were allowed to stay in Iraq, were not only excluded from the right to be in certain positions inside Iraq, but were also not granted permission to work outside the country. This was stated in the general security directorate directive no. 2223 of 7/4/1988 " not to grant permission to work outside the country to members of the Tabbayyah who are in the country:
1-if any member of his family has been previously deported, because he would act as a messenger for many things causing security defects.
2-if any of his relatives, to the third degree, is a hostile member that was executed or sent to life imprisonment.
3- if there is a negative observation on him or his family".
The remaining male Tabbayyah were still required to serve in the army as regular soldiers. During training, they were separated from other soldiers, but they still had the same training. A significant number of them were put in the front line, to test their “loyalty”. As stated in a telegram from the military intelligence dated 27 of July 1984 to the army corps, which orders " To put all the Tabbayyah soldiers of Iranian origins and other foreign origin under secret surveillance" and "To provide the military intelligence with regular reports on their readiness to perform the duties assigned to them."33
As stated earlier those Tabbayyah who already have higher degrees, like in medicine, or nuclear engineering, were allowed to stay 27. This is stated in the meeting of the national security council on 15/12/198 “to exempt from deportation the holders of postgraduate qualification masters in science and above, PhD holders in arts and their relatives from deportation”28.
The regime tried to persuade two of the biggest literary figures in Iraq, Mohammed Mahidi Al-Jawahiri, the famous Iraqi poet, and Jaafar Al-Khalili, an Iraqi novelist, both of them were Tabbayyah and lived outside Iraq, when the campaign of deportation started, to return to Iraq by giving them a monthly payment of 250 Iraqi Dinars 34. Neither of them returned to Iraq, and both of them died outside Iraq.
What was the psychological impact of being Tabbayyah on those who remained in Iraq?
Those who did not know whether they will be deported or not, what was the impact of being treated as a second class citizen on the people who did not know any other country apart from Iraq? Questions we don’t have answers to yet.

How many people were deported?

According to Mattar 35, who wrote the semi-official biography of Saddam Hussien, the first wave included 40,000 people, the second wave included 30,000 people.
On the other hand, Iran during the war period, put as a condition for a cease-fire the return of 200, 000 Iraqi deportees. However, the Iranians were only referring to those deported during the early eighties and not to those who were deported during the early seventies, which according to Mattar, were in the range of 40,000 people. It is likely, that the total number of people deported will never be known.
Very few Tabbayyah were allowed to return to Iraq, only Saddam and his half brother Barazn were able to allow it. I know one incident in which the daughter of a Tabbayyah family, who was married a false marriage to prevent deportation to an Iraqi and thus stayed in the country while the rest of her family were deported, was able to reach Saddam himself and was weeping in front of him so he ordered the return of the deported family.
The Iranian condition on the return of the Tabbayyah was never met.
Why deportation?

Why such punishment?
The answer is in Saddam’s mind and probably, like many other decisions taken in Iraq, we may not be able to provide a clear answer.
The official explanations can be summarized by these lines:
1-“We deported them because we did not want their blood to mix with the Iraqi blood”. This meant that in their blood they possessed a quality, which by its own nature is of threat to the security of the state. This argument is of a very clear reminiscent of the attitude Hitler held towards the Jews.
2- In the previously mentioned Fadel AL-Barrack’s the head of the directorate of security book, he implied the involvement of these people in crime 18.
3-In Fuad Mattar’s book 35 “deportation was seen as a necessary measure taken by Saddam, apparently as a response to the assassination attempt on Tarek Aziz life”.
4-These people were regarded as a fifth column that threatens the people of Iraq 32.
Given the hazardous effects that a Tabbayyah were thought to have on the individual, and on the society and given that such hazard was believed to be an inherent biological characteristics of Tabbayyah and could not be eliminated from them, the only solution was to eliminate the disease carrier from the society. The treatment was deportation "to uproot them" as Saddam said.
The likely reasons for such harsh treatment were Saddam’s hate, ruthlessness and unchecked power. The seed for such hate was planted in his childhood by his uncle Talffah, who raised him and likely played a major role in the shaping Saddam's personality.
Talffah’s view of the Iranians and hence of Tabbayyah was expressed in his book "The dissection of kominai religion" which he wrote in the early 80s36. In that book he bitterly criticized the Shia sect of Islam, a sect practiced by both Arabs and Persians.
He denounced every aspect of Shia practices, including the way Shia pray, the temporary marriage and even the way they practice sex. Claiming they practice sodomy which is forbidden in his views. Most importantly, Talffah raises the question that "at times, he found it difficult to understand the wisdom (of god) in creating three things, Jews, flies and Persian". Jews because according to him disobeyed god, flies because it transmits disease and Persians because according to him, they did not believe in Islam, and they entered Islam only to destroy it.
It was in Tallfah’s house that, young Saddam was nurtured. It’s likely that he heard these words, which crept into his blood. Consciously and even unconsciously, these words were absorbed by him. Persian and their descendants are subhuman creatures, equated with flies. They are a disease carrier, like flies, these creatures’ attempts to destroy Islam and Arabs.
As a result, his hatred was not limited to the individuals but extended to what might even vaguely hinted of some kind of association with them. For he ordered to change the name of Abu Nuass street, one of the famous streets in Baghdad, during discussion with Iraqi architects planning street development, for the mere reason that Abu Nuass was of Iranian origin.
Despite the fact that there was nothing that point to the street as to be an Iranian street, Saddam looked at the nature of the person associated with the street. The street is tainted by the descent of Abu Nuaas grandparents, it’s beside the point that Abu Nuass died more than 500 years ago, he was a Tabbayyah and this was unbearable to Saddam. The name has to be changed.
A whole neighborhood in Baghdad, near the former Iranian Embassy, was expropriated by RCC decree no.798 of 19/12/1989 37without equitable compensation. Courts were prevented from looking into cases arising from this decision. Seventy two homes were demolished; the official claim was to build an opera house, which was never built. When a high-ranking Baathi asked about why the families were not given equitable compensation, the reason given was that those people loyalty was under suspicion as they neighbored the Iranian embassy.
Hate was the driving force to use descent, to hold people accountable for the actions of others. It made it easy to rationalise punishing innocent people in lieu of perpetrators who are inaccessible. Through such a policy authorities demonstrate they are more concerned about releasing tensions of rage through pursuit of sacrificial victims than about protecting society through the pursuit of justice.
Hate needed power and the mentality of aggression to carry out the act of deportation and these requirements were present in Saddam. The victims were transformed from being the enemy of a man, Saddam, into the enemies of the state.
The power of the state was mobilized to trace every single member, men, women and childern. Laws were legislated, to separate existing families, to confiscate properties and to authorize expulsion. The Tabbayyah were "uprooted".
The Victims were ordinary persons including women, children and elderly persons. They were the victim of Saddam’s hatred, racism and unchecked power. Nothing differentiated them from other people in Iraq.
They reflect, however a small sample of Saddam’s victims which included a limitless pool of Iraqis and extended to people in neighbouring countries.

Notes and references :

1 Saddam’s speech with a group of popular army soldiers going to the front. Al-thawra on 16/2/1981.
2 See for example M. Khadduri in his book the “gulf war”, he in his interview with Fadel al- Baraak, the head of security at that time, accept Baark’s claim that the majority of Tabbayyah have been engaged in propaganda against the Baath regime. He also said that the Iraqi government first warned them against participating in subversive activities, later it deported 40,000 after hostilities begun. The deportation was carried out as a measure of internal security.
This was incorrect. Because first no warning was provided, and second deportation started before the war with Iran begun.
3 Mohammed Anouz. The jurist. Issue no.4, 2001 p.
4 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991.p72.
5 International Commission of Jurist. Iraq and the rule of law (Chenôve: Imrimerie ABRAX, 1994) p41.
6 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991.p76
7 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991.p88
8 International Commission of Jurist. Iraq and the rule of law (Chenôve: Imrimerie ABRAX, 1994) p42.
9 Makiya, Kanan [Samir al-Khalil]. 1990. Republic of Fear. New York: Simon & Schuster.
10 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991.p109
11 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991.108.
12 Middle East Watch1994. Bureaucracy of repression. p81.
13 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991.p114.
14 Middle East Watch 1994. Bureaucracy of repression. p82.
15 Kanan Makiya. Cruelty and Silence ,War tyranny and the Arab world. (New York: W.W Norton & company) 1992.
16 Mattar F. Saddam Hussein the fighter the thinker and the man.1990. p132.
17 Faili kurd web site. http://home.bip.net/faili.kurd/.
18 Al-Baraak fadel, almaddaras al yuhudiah wa alayraniah fi al-iraq. 1985.p265
19 Al-Baraak fadel, almaddaras al yuhudiah wa alayraniah fi al-iraq. 1985.p265
20 Al Zamman newspaper vol3, issue 615 8/5/2000.p8
21 Author own collection.
22 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991.p72
23 This was shown on Iraqi TV at that time, and I remember it very well. The family was al Haidari family.
24 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991.
25 The offering of money to women to divorce their men was regarded as a sensitive issue, I knew about it from a high-ranking Baathi.
26 International Commission of Jurist. Iraq and the rule of law (Chenôve: Imrimerie ABRAX, 1994) p43.
27 Faili Kurd web site. .A copy of the original document is present there.
28 Amnesty International Report “Disappearance unresolved cases since the 1980s”1998.
29 International Commission of Jurist. Iraq and the rule of law (Chenôve: Imrimerie ABRAX, 1994) p42.
30 Based on information from an officer in the Directorate of Iraqi Citizenship.
31 Al-Ansari, M. "Deportation operations in Iraq". Documental center for human rights in Iraq. Tehran 1991
32Author own collection.
33 From web site.
34 This was announced on the television I remember it very well. Jafar Al-Kallili lived for the rest of his life in Jordan. King Hussein gave him a house to live with his daughter. Al-Jawahire lived in several places including Eastern Europe, Syria and Jordan. His son Furat was not deported, he as a journalist writing in Al-Jumahria newspaper in support of Saddam, the man that his father opposed.
35 Mattar F. Saddam Hussein “The fighter the thinker and the man”.1990.p132
36 This statement was repeated in several western writers' books as the title of a book, which was not the case, as the title of the book as I said was “The Dissection of Khomiani religion” apparently none of them read the book. I could trace the original mistake to K. Makiya book "Republic of fear" he was the first one to report that in a western book. He apparently did not read the original book but referred to a pamphlet distributed by an Iraqi opposition group in the west.
37Author own collection.